新的历史主义

1982年,史蒂芬·格林布拉特(Stephen Greenblatt)编辑了Genre关于文艺复兴时期的写作,在他对本卷的介绍中,他声称他所征求的文章从事联合企业,即,努力重新考虑了早期现代文本在更大的论述和实践中的方式,这些方式是组织的。十六世纪和十七世纪的英语文化。这种重新考虑已经变得有必要,因为许多当代再生批评者对两组假设产生了疑虑,这些假设为前几十年的奖学金提供了很多信息。不像新批评家,格林布拉特及其同事不愿意将文本托付给一个自主审美领域,该审美领域将文艺复兴时期的文字与其他形式的文化生产分离出来。与战前历史学家不同,他们拒绝假设文艺复兴时期的文本从安全的距离中反映出一个由整个人群或至少由整个识字班级所持有的统一和连贯的世界观。格林布拉特(Greenblatt)拒绝了这两种观点,宣布在学院出现了一种新的历史主义,它将从自己的一套场所中起作用:伊丽莎白和雅各布恩社会是一个偶尔会发起了多样化甚至矛盾的机构的地点信念,代码和习俗;位于这个地形中的作者经历了一系列复杂的颠覆性和东正教冲动,并在其文本中注册了对权威的这些复杂态度;那些希望理解十六世纪和十七世纪的批评者必须描述他们所研究的文本与构成整体文艺复兴文化的机构,实践和信念网络的联系方式。

In some ways, Greenblatt’s declaration of New Historicism’s existence was a problematic gesture, for while his title quickly garnered considerable prestige for critics working in this area, it also created expectations that the New Historicists could not satisfy. Specifically, the scholars who encountered Greenblatt’s term tended to conceive of New Historicism as a doctrine or movement, and their inference led them to anticipate that Greenblatt and his colleagues would soon articulate a coherent theoretical program and delineate a set of methodological procedures that would govern their interpretive efforts. When the New Historicists failed to produce such position papers, critics began to accuse them of having a disingenuous relation to literary theory. In response to such objections, Greenblatt published an essay entitled “Towards a Poetics of Culture” (1987), which has had a profound impact on the way academics understand the phenomenon of New Historicism today. In this piece, Greenblatt attempted to show, by way of a shrewd juxtaposition OfJean-François Lyotard‘s andFredric Jameson概念化资本主义的范式,即他们解决的属问题,即,艺术和社会如何相互关联,不能通过提出一种理论上的立场来回答。而且,由于Lyotard和Jameson Pose的问题都是新的历史主义也提出了一个问题,因此其支持者应该看到马克思主义者的失败和后结构主义者试图理解资本主义美学的矛盾特征,以警告任何试图将新的历史主义转化为学说或方法的尝试。从格林布拉特的角度来看,新的历史主义从来没有,也不应该是一种理论。这是一系列的阅读实践,研究了一系列问题,当批评者试图以辩证法的方式绘制文本的方式,既代表社会的行为模式,又代表了这种文化的主导代码。

部分原因是他的论点是如此有效,部分原因是他的同事独立发展了类似的立场,因此在文化诗学领域工作的大多数批评家都同意,新的历史主义是由一系列问题和问题组织的,而不是由系统的范式组织用于解释文学作品。例如,路易斯·蒙特罗斯(Louis Montrose)详细描述了其中一些问题,并在他的文章“诗学和文化政治”(1986年)中提供了一系列新历史学家的关注清单,这些问题与格林布拉特(Greenblatt)的评论同意并扩展了。像格林布拉特一样,蒙特罗斯坚持认为,新历史主义的目标是重塑文本与生产的文化体系之间的关系,他指出,作为这样一项任务的第一步文学作为一种超越需求和利益的自主审美秩序,而反思主义的观念是,写作简单地反映了一种稳定而连贯的意识形态,而社会所有成员都认可。他认为,放弃了这些范式后,新的历史学家必须解释文本不仅代表文化构建的知识和权威形式,而且实际上是在读者中实例化或复制它们所体现的实践和代码。

斯蒂芬·格林布拉特/pinterest

蒙特罗斯还建议,如果新的历史主义要求对写作与文化之间的关系进行重新思考,它还可以重新考虑作者的特殊方式,并且人类代理人通常与社会和语言系统互动。第二个新的历史主义者关心是第一个的延伸,因为如果每个人类活动都嵌入文化领域的想法会引起有关文学文本自主权的疑问,那么这也意味着个人可能会更充分地铭刻在社会网络中实践比许多批评家倾向于相信。但是,正如蒙特罗斯(Montrose)继续暗示的那样,对自由运作主观性的人文主义模式的新的历史主义敌意并不意味着他和他的同事是社会决定者。取而代之的是,蒙特罗斯(Montrose)认为,个人代理是由他称为“主题化”的过程所构成的,他描述的是:一方面,文化产生了具有主观性和代理能力的个人;另一方面,它将它们定位在社交网络中,并使他们遵守最终超出其理解和控制的文化法规。

In another section of his essay, Montrose adds a third concern to define New Historicism: to what extent can a literary text offer a genuinely radical critique of authority, or articulate views that threaten political orthodoxy? New Historicists have to confront this issue because they are interested in delineating the full range of social work that writing can perform, but as Montrose suggests, they have not yet arrived at a consensus regarding whether literature can generate effective resistance. On one side, critics such as Jonathan Dollimore and Alan Sinfield claim that Renaissance texts contest the dominant religious and political ideologies of their time; on the other, some critics argue that the hegemonic powers of the Tudor and Stuart governments are so great that the state can neutralize all dissident behavior. Although Montrose offers his own distinctive response to the containment- subversion problem, he insists that a willingness to explore the political potential of writing is a distinguishing mark of New Historicism.

最后一个问题蒙特罗斯(Montrose)期望他的新历史学家同事参与,可能被称为“理论问题”。即使他坚持认为文化诗学本身并不是产生知识的系统范式,但他认为,新的历史学家必须精通文学和社会理论,并准备在他们的写作和文化研究中部署各种分析方式。蒙特罗斯(Montrose)从d e c o n s t r o c t io n s o n o n s t io n and of后结构主义发现文字概念对于历史批评的实践特别有用,因为它们强调了所有经验的话语特征及其地位,他们的立场及其每一个人的行为都嵌入了社会代理人中,以至于社会代理体系融入了社会代理体系用来理解自己的世界,使他和他的同事可以将过去的事件视为必须解密的文本。实际上,这些后结构主义理论通常是神秘的奇特表述的基础,例如“文本的历史性和历史的文字性”,这对文化诗学的从业者非常吸引人。其他新的历史学家援引了不同的解释性观点,尤其是在著作中发现的观点Michel FoucaultandClifford Geertz,以帮助他们的解释性努力。这里的关键点是,实际上,每个新的历史学家都认为理论是潜在的盟友。

那么,这就是塑造新历史主义的地形的问题。在剩下的事情中,我将详细评论三位典范的新历史学家,斯蒂芬·格林布拉特,乔纳森·戈德堡和沃尔特·本恩·迈克尔斯的著作。结果,这一领域的许多重要贡献者将毫无疑问,但是要了解这些文化诗学从业者如何真正解释文本,这一点尤其重要。

新的历史主义: A Brief Note

在他介绍文艺复兴时期的自我塑造(1980年),格林布拉特(Greenblatt)指出,他的书旨在列出16世纪英语文化中身份构成的方式。他认为,他的作者所生活的场景受到各种当局的控制,例如教会,法院,家庭和殖民行政管理机构,以及上帝或神圣的书籍,并将这些权力融入冲突是因为他们认可组织社会经验的竞争模式。从格林布拉特(Greenblatt)的新历史论者角度来看,这些当局赞助的竞争对手的守则和实践是文化建构,社区为调节行为而创造的集体小说;但是,权力本身倾向于将自己的习俗视为自然要素,他们试图将自己的敌人代表为真实秩序的外星人或恶魔般的模仿者。由于人类代理人目前是自我构成的,他们屈服于这些文化当局之一,因此他们的行为是由他们所识别的机构赞助的规范所塑造的,他们学会了害怕或恨另一个威胁他们非常威胁他们的机构存在。

由于作者完全位于这个文化体系中,因此格林布拉特认为,他们的著作都普遍评论了都铎王朝国家内出现的政治斗争,并在当局和外星人中注册了他们复杂的相遇。为了证明自己的论文,他分析了许多重要的文艺复兴时期作品的自我塑造,他表明这些文本记录了对一系列文化问题的复杂回答。Greenblatt demonstrates that Thomas More’s late writings are the culmination of his engagement with theological controversy, for these letters reiterate his sense that his identity is shaped by his participation in the Catholic community, and they restate his belief that Protestant theology is an alien threat that should be rooted out of England. Edmund Spenser’s Bower of Bliss scene inThe Faerie Queene编码和缓解对性行为挑战该州合法权威的方式的焦虑,托马斯·怀亚特(Thomas Wyatt)的表情探讨了贵族是否可以脱离已经变得完全腐败的法院社会。

经过consistently situating the texts he studies in relation to sixteenth-century political problems, Greenblatt avoids the formalist error of consigning writing to an autonomous aesthetic realm and produces analyses that accord with the New Historicist premise that critics can understand Renaissance works only by linking them to the network of institutions, practices, and beliefs that constituted Tudor culture in its entirety. And if one of the aims of cultural poetics is to explain how texts are both socially produced and socially productive, Greenblatt addresses this question directly in his chapter on William Tyndale. He argues there that the invention of the printing press converted books into a form of power that could control, guide, and discipline, and he proves that texts fashioned acceptable versions of the self by narrating the story of James Bainham, that ultimate creation of the written word. Following John Foxe, Greenblatt recounts that when Bainham publicly declared his Protestant faith, he spoke with “the New Testament in his hand in English and the Obedience of a Christian Man in his bosom,” and since the “Obedience” is the title of one of Tyndale’s most influential moral tracts, Greenblatt concludes that Bainham’s identity has been constituted by a text.

斯蒂芬·格林布拉特(Stephen Greenblatt)and New Historicism

格林布拉特(Greenblatt)的书清楚地推进了重新思考文学与社会之间关系的新历史主义项目,但它还研究了蒙特罗斯(Montrose)用来定义文化诗学的其他问题。由于自我塑造与蒙特罗斯自己的主题化观念非常相似,因此很明显,格林布拉特(Greenblatt)的大部分注意力集中在构成身份的社会过程上。格林布拉特(Greenblatt)在有关克里斯托弗·马洛(Christopher Marlowe)的戏剧的一章中,还提出了他对文学是否可以产生有效抵抗的问题的看法,他得出结论,马洛(Marlowe)和他的角色都试图竞争的政治意识形态和经济实践最终太强大了,无法颠覆。

Finally, concerning Greenblatt’s response to the question of theory, it seems fair to conclude that at the time he wrote文艺复兴时期的自我塑造他已经决定,没有一个解释性模型可以解释新的历史主义调查的文化​​过程的全部复杂性。尽管他从大量学科中援引了各种各样的方法,但他的三个理论借款尤其重要。盖尔茨(Geertz)之后,格林布拉特(Greenblatt)认为,每一个社会行动都嵌入了公共含义的系统中,并且这一前提是他阅读实践中最壮观的特征之一,即,他在看似琐碎的轶事中追踪的能力将代码,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信念,信则则。以及组织整个社会的策略。如果文化人类学为Greenblatt提供了他用来解释殖民哨所来信的厚实描述的技术,那么福柯为他提供了能力理论,可以为他的大部分作品提供了信息,因为他的章节和Tyndale的章节和Tyndale展示了GreenBlatt的纪律机制,例如羞辱,监视和认罪作为文艺复兴文化的产生,而不是天生的人类潜力。最后,在1970年代和1980年代的后结构主义批评中,格林布拉特(Greenblatt)发现了他的想法,即自我是一种脆弱的结构,而不是一种固定且连贯的物质,尽管他偏离了解构性分析,而不是语言而不是语言,而不是语言的分析。the subject’s instability. Frankly, when considering his ability to forge these potentially contradictory theories into a powerful critical stance, one wonders who is more adept at self-fashioning, he or the writers he discusses.

在他介绍詹姆斯一世和文学政治((1983), Jonathan Goldberg commends Greenblatt’s study of the relationship between Renaissance texts and society, and he claims that his book, like Greenblatt’s, will reveal “the social presence to the world of the literary text and the social presence of the world in the literary text” (Goldberg, James xv, quoting Greenblatt,再生5)。But unlike Greenblatt, who analyzes the techniques that a number of competing institutions use to discipline behavior, Goldberg tends to focus on the ways political discourses circulate around a single authority, James I. According to Goldberg, James’s Roman rhetoric is filled with contradictions, two of which are especially important. First, while James wishes to maintain the integrity of the royal line from which he descends, he also claims that he is both self-originating and the world’s secret animating force. Second, while James refers to kingship as a kind of performance in which his thoughts are fully revealed, he also characterizes public display as necessarily obfuscating and opaque.

In a characteristically New Historicist manner, Goldberg offers a political interpretation of these inconsistencies, and he then proceeds to demonstrate that artistic productions replicate the structures of royal authority. Goldberg claims that James’s emphasis on self-origination is an effort to mystify his body, to free himself from his dubious family history and to derive his sovereignty from a transcendent and eternal world. This strategy allows the king to claim that all life springs from hisspiritual substance, but it also enables him to argue that he is unaccountable to the social world he governs. While the king used this doctrine of mystery and state secrecy to protect his political power, Renaissance writers appropriated his language to make sense of their own activities and experiences, b e n jo n s o n appeals to the theory ofArcana Imperiiin his masques because he wants them to point beyond themselves to the royal patron who is responsible for their existence.John Donne用詹姆斯的条款代表了无法诊断的疾病,该疾病是在他内心狂欢的一项未公开的政策,该政策管理着新成立的王国。如果国家秘密的话语渗透到这里的身体,它也弥补了家庭的文艺复兴时期的概念,因为在对家庭肖像的惊人分析中,戈德堡表明,以皇家权威为蓝本的父亲产生了他的血统,但仍然遥不可及,但仍然遥不可及当他梦见凝视着妻子和孩子时。

From even this brief summary, we see that Goldberg shares many of the enabling assumptions of文艺复兴时期的自我塑造:他感觉到,所有人类活动都不可避免地刻在一个含义的系统中,该系统组织了特工理解自己的世界的方式。他认为文艺复兴文学与十六世纪和十七世纪的社会实践密不可分。他认为自我是由权威结构塑造的文化构成的实体。The above account also hints that Goldberg’s theoretical orientation is heavily Foucauldian, for his description of the ways the body is inscribed within discourse echoes Foucault’s notion that disciplinary mechanisms swarm and produce their subtle effects even in the domains of human experience that seem intensely private and personal.

但是,戈德堡如何应对包容性问题,这在新的历史主义者写作中始终如一地调查?我们可以通过简要总结他的章节“良心剧院”的论点来回答这个问题。戈德堡在这里研究了文艺复兴时期的文本复制詹姆斯话语固有的第二个矛盾的方式,他首先建议乔治·查普曼的Bussy D’AmboiS和威廉·莎士比亚的亨利五世两者都描绘了通过使用表演艺术来掩饰自己的计划和欲望来获得权威的角色。但是,如果这些作用与詹姆斯的感觉同意,只能通过不透明的自我戏法来维持权力,其他文本则引起了使戏剧性混淆戏剧性挑战国王政策的皇家言论。乔森(Jonson)和唐恩(Donne)等作家自信地讽刺了詹姆斯法院的容忍度的宽容,因为他们认识到,如果君主是超然,不可知和不负责任的,那么诗人就永远不会说任何故意质疑皇家动机的事情。而且,如果审查员或国王本人对作者的忠诚表示怀疑,那么作家总是可以用富豪的语言掩盖自己,并声称他的作品(如詹姆斯的行为)一直在被误读。因此,戈德堡的观点是颠覆性行为出现从内部专制主义的话语本身,他暗示,尽管这种结构使作家能够表达厌恶和蔑视的感觉,但它最终也包含了异议和叛乱的手势所带来的威胁。

新的历史主义’s Deviation from Old Historicism

Goldberg’s work has helped to convince many Renaissance scholars that they should become practitioners of cultural poetics, and as a result New Historicism thrives in the field of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century English criticism. Since academics who work in other areas of literary studies have also found this reading strategy congenial, we should now briefly consider the way one of these figures has used New Historicist assumptions to interpret texts drawn from a later culture. In his introduction to黄金标准和自然主义的逻辑(1987年),沃尔特·本恩·迈克尔斯(Walter Benn Michaels)指出,他的目的是研究内战之后发生的经济生产,分销和消费的变化如何塑造美国的写作,他的论点是,他的论点是,文学模式通常被称为自然主义参与并参与体现了由一系列内部部门构成的资本主义话语系统。美国经济实践的每个重要因素(公司,金钱,商品和身份)与本质上不同,并且由于写作也是这种巨大的政治形成的一部分,因此它还必须显示驱动默余文化的矛盾逻辑。

Perhaps the chapter that most clearly illustrates Michaels’s powers as a reader is the one from which he borrows his book’s title. There Michaels discusses the late nineteenth-century debates between the goldbugs and the advocates of paper currency, and he shows that the controversy between these groups stems from competing assumptions about the nature of money itself: while the defenders of precious metals sense that the value of gold resides in its innate beauty, their opponents think that gold is only desirable because it is a表示钱。迈克尔斯(MichaelsFrank Norris’sMcTeague,因为叙事的两个苦难是由这些矛盾的财富模式激励的。特里纳(Trina)对黄金的ho积构成了她的社会假设金属本身就是金属本身,而她的举动编码了她的文化恐惧,即贵重金属应该停止流传,文明将被取消。Zerkow的垃圾收集体现了他的世界认可,即如果财富是代表性的影响,那么任何东西都可以转变为金钱,他的行为表明物质和价值之间的差异是资本的有利条件。Michaels’s point in producing this analysis is not that either of these theories of wealth is truer than the other but that the tension between them is a constitutive element of the discourse of naturalism and that any literary text produced at this time will display both views toward money.

通过证明自然主义的逻辑可以为金标准的辩论和诺里斯的文本提供信息,迈克尔斯执行了新的历史学家的首要任务,即解释写作是如何产生文化的一部分。在同一章中,他转向诺里斯的Vandover和蛮横考虑构建主观性的方式。通过复杂的阅读操作,他表明Vandover的意识被深深地分歧,因为角色有时会自我想象为自己动物存在的延伸,而其他时候他发现自己的身份是文本表示的产物。但是,由于这种分裂巧妙地复制了19世纪对货币的理解中固有的矛盾,因此迈克尔斯得出结论,范多洛的主观性完全刻在自然主义的话语中。迈克尔斯(Michaels)对自我的理解塑造了他对蒙特罗斯(Montrose)声称新历史学家应解决的第三个问题的回答,因为迈克尔斯(Michaels)强烈坚持认为,人类身份的社会构成特征使个人无法想象他们所生活的社会的进步替代方案。的确,在一段特别令人难忘的段落中,他驳斥了乌托邦式的幻想,这是超越的幻想,这些幻想一直困扰着耶利米时代的文化批评。最后,关于方法的问题,必须承认,迈克尔斯不仅从其他学者那里借用,而且实际上提供了使现有理论复杂化的见解。Although his use of Foucault’s model of discourse is fairly predictable, his discussion of the ways capitalist practices conform to a structure of internal difference is innovative because, as Brook Thomas has noted, this idea indicates that the poststructuralist dismantling of the autonomous subject may be more complicit with mercantile economic systems than has often been recognized.

尽管很少有人会否认格林布拉特,戈德堡或迈克尔斯的分析的才华,但一些批评家对他们阅读实践的各个方面产生了疑虑。A number of critics have argued that despite the New Historicists’ professed interest in cultural difference, many of them speak of societies as if they were monolithic entities and thereby suppress the fact that in a given political formation different paradigms for organizing economic or aesthetic activity exist simultaneously. Some feminists have claimed that the New Historicists have appropriated their assumptions and interpretive strategies but have not contributed much to the study of gender relations. While it is not yet apparent whether these and other criticisms will lead to the demise of cultural poetics in the foreseeable future, it is clear that the emergence of New Historicism has reminded scholars that they will not be able to understand texts unless they study the links between writing and other social practices, and this contribution alone is an honorable legacy.

新的历史主义and Cultural Materialism

参考书目
卡罗琳·沃克·拜纳姆(Caroline Walker Bynum),圣盛宴和圣诞节:食物对中世纪妇女的宗教意义(1987年);沃尔特·科恩(Walter Cohen),“莎士比亚的政治批评”,莎士比亚复制:历史和意识形态的文字(Jean E. Howard和Marion F. O’Connor编辑,1987年);乔纳森·戈德堡(Jonathan Goldberg),詹姆斯一世(James I)和文学政治(1983),“文艺复兴文学的政治:评论文章”,ELH 49(1982),“英语文艺复兴时期的最新研究”,《英语文学研究》(1984年);斯蒂芬·格林布拉特(Stephen Greenblatt),《力量与形式形式的简介》,特刊,流派15(1992),“无形的子弹:文艺复兴时期及其颠覆”,《政治莎士比亚》(乔纳森·杜里莫尔(Jonathan Dollimore)和艾伦·辛菲尔德(Alan Sinfield),《文艺学士》,文艺复兴《自我塑造》(1980年),莎士比亚谈判(1988),“走向文化的诗学”(维瑟);理查德·赫尔格森(Richard Helgerson),《文艺复兴时期英格兰文艺复兴时期的制图,合唱和颠覆》的《土地》,《陈述》 16(1986),自我克制的获奖者:Spenser,Jonson,Milton和The Trimatory System(1983);让·霍华德(Jean E. Howard),“文艺复兴时期研究中的新历史主义”,英语文学文艺复兴时期16(1986);沃尔特·本恩·迈克尔斯(Walter Benn Michaels),《黄金标准与自然主义逻辑》(1987年);路易·A·蒙特罗斯(Louis A.7(1980),“塑造幻想:伊丽莎白时代文化中性别和权力的形象”,《代表》 2(1983); Edward Pechter, “The New Historicism and Its Discontents: Politicizing Renaissance Drama,” PMLA ioi (1987); Christopher Pye, The Regal Phantasm: Shakespeare and the Politics of Spectacle (1990); Leonard Tennenhouse, Power on Display: The Politics of Shakespeare’s Genres (1986); Brook Thomas, The New Historicism and Other Old-Fashioned Topics (1991); H. Aram Veeser, ed., The New Historicism (1989); Don E. Wayne, “Power, Politics, and the Shakespearean Text: Recent Criticism in England and the United States,” Shakespeare Reproduced: The Text in History and Ideology (ed. Jean E. Howard and Marion F. O’Connor, 1987).
资料来源:Groden,Michael和Martin Kreiswirth。约翰·霍普金斯文学理论与批评指南。俄罗斯乌克兰比分直播巴尔的摩:约翰·霍普金斯大学出版社,1994年。

福柯对新历史主义的影响



类别:文学批评,,,,俄罗斯乌克兰比分直播,,,,新的历史主义,,,,哲学

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